Introduction

In the present chapter I examine the notion that birth as a woman is the result of bad karma in the light of canonical and post-canonical Buddhist texts, among them two texts from the Ekottarika-āgama of which I present a translation.

In her study of the position of women in Thai Buddhism, Kabilsingh (1991: 31 and 16) remarks that it is frequently said, for example, that "women were born from their bad karma" … many women are convinced that they carry a heavy load of negative karma due to the simple fact of their gender … Thai women seem to accept their suppression without complaint. Exploitation, whether physical, legal, or cultural, has been justified on the basis of karma, and has therefore been accepted as the expression of [a] religious principle.[n.1] [3] Cheng 2007: 57 reports from her study of Buddhist nuns that "much research finds that the idea of women having inferior karma has had a negative impact on the welfare of Buddhist nuns." Cheng 2007: 65 adds that "socially, the idea of women's inferior karma might hinder nuns to compete in the same activities as monks. This problem seems to be more severe in Taiwan than in Sri Lanka." In relation to Himalayan cultures, Lekshe Tsomo 1999: 177 notes that "the most common term for a woman in Tibetan, skye dman, literally means 'inferior birth'."

A testimony to the notion that being born as a female is a result of bad karma of can be found in a fourteenth century inscription from Sukhotai, where the queen mother formulates the aspiration that the merit of her founding of a monastery may conduce to her rebirth as a male.[n.2] [4] The relevant part of the aspiration, translated in Griswold and Prasert 1969: 55, reads: "by the power of my merit, may I be reborn as a male in the future … may I retain this woman's accumulated merit." The wording of her aspiration conveys the impression that her urge to become a man is so strong that she imagines having become one already, who looks back at a previous existence as a female.[n.3] [5] Griswold and Prasert 1969: 55 note 90 comment that in the aspiration the expression "'this woman' is of course the donor herself in her present existence … she is here speaking as if she had already been reborn as a male and were viewing the present events in retrospect."

A rationale for such a type of aim finds its expression in a passage in the commentary on the Sutta-nipāta, the Paramatthajotikā, which reports the aspiration made by a woman to be reborn as a man. In her aspiration, she notes how disgusting it is to be a woman, since even the daughter of a wheel-turning monarch will be under the control of others, wherefore she aspires to become a male.[n.4] [6] Pj II 77,31: jigucchanīyo mātugāmo, cakkavattidhītā pi paravasaṃ gacchati, tasmā ahaṃ itthibhāvaṃ anupagamma puriso bhaveyyan ti; cf. also Oikawa 2002/2003: 67f. In other words, her aspiration to become a male is motivated by the wish to escape the restraints she experiences in a patriarchal society.

The story then continues by reporting that she was indeed able to overcome the fruition of the formerly done evil deed (pāpakamma) that had caused her to be born as a woman, and was reborn as a male devaputta.

Change of Sex

As the tale from the Paramatthajotikā shows, the notion that being a female is related to bad karma is attested in the Pāli commentarial tradition. Another example is the commentary on the Dhammapada,[n.5] [7] Dhp-a I 325,11 to 332,20; translated Burlingame 1921: 23–28. which reports the tale of a householder by the name of Soreyya. The story goes that, on seeing the beautiful skin colour of the monk Mahākaccāyana, Soreyya had the wish to have him as his wife or else that his wife might have a similar bodily hue. This impure thought caused him to change into a woman right on the spot.[n.6] [8] On the motif of change of sex cf., e.g., Brown 1927, Bapat 1957, Paul 1979/ 1985: 166–199, Schuster 1981, Goldman 1993, Gross 1993: 67–71, Perera 1993: 161f, Hae-ju 1999, Doniger 1999/2000: 260–302, Ohnuma 2000: 124– 134, Verma 2000: 82, Peach 2002, Faure 2003: 100, Gyatso 2003: 110f, Nattier 2003a: 98, Dimitrov 2004, Young 2004: 191–203, Scherer 2006, Young 2007, Shyu 2008: 183–188, Finnegan 2009: 133–140, Powers 2009 (esp. 125f, 134– 140, 173f, 185–187), Talim 2009: 68f, Appleton 2011: 43–47 and 2012: 170f, Anālayo 2015b, Dhammadinnā 2015b, and Anderson (forthcoming).

The tale continues with his experiences as a woman until at some point he offers a meal to Mahākaccāyana and asks to be forgiven, whereupon he becomes male again.

In this story, a bad deed led to becoming a woman, and a good deed in turn enabled becoming a man. In the course of narrating this tale, the Dhammapada commentary makes the following statement:

Men who have transgressed with the wives of others will after death be tormented for many hundreds of thousands of years in hell; on coming back to human existence they will for a hundred rebirths undergo birth as a woman …[n.7] [9] Dhp-a I 327,4: purisā hi parassa dāre aticaritvā kālaṃ katvā bahūni vassasatasahassāni niraye pacitvā manussajātiṃ āgacchantā attabhāvasate itthibhāvaṃ āpajjanti. Women who have made merits by giving, etc., and who have discarded the wish for birth as a woman with the mental resolve: "May this merit of ours lead to the obtaining of rebirth as a man", will after death obtain rebirth as a man.[n.8] [10] Dhp-a I 327,12: itthiyo pana dānādīni puññāni katvā itthibhāve chandaṃ virājetvā, idaṃ no puññaṃ purisattabhāvapaṭilābhāya saṃvattatū ti cittaṃ adhiṭṭhahitvā kālaṃ katvā purisattabhāvaṃ paṭilabhanti.

This mode of presentation appears to follow a general tendency in ancient Indian literature where, in the words of Brown (1927: 6), "a change from woman to man is always desirable while the reverse is always undesirable."[n.9] [11] Doniger 1999/2000: 281 explains that "where men are usually cursed to become women, women often choose to be men – a not surprising asymmetry, since the culture regards male status as higher than female."

The Pāli Vinaya reports rulings promulgated by the Buddha when a monk reportedly changed into a female or else when a nun became a male. [n.10] [12] Vin III 35,12+18. Unlike the Dhammapada commentary, however, the Vinaya does not give a value judgement for these two cases. Instead, both are simply reported as a matter of fact, without a distinction between the case of a male changing to a female or a female changing to a male. In the canonical account there is no indication that for the monk to become a female is the result of bad karma, or that for a nun to change into a male is the result of good karma.[n.11] [13] Scherer 2006: 67f speaks of a "basically non-judgemental reaction of the Buddha", noting that "this initial pragmatical approach towards gender-crossing is later modified in the authoritative commentary … to the vinaya" where, in the words of Scherer 2006: 69, the commentarial stance is evidence for "an underlying assumption on gender inequality".

Only the commentary to this episode gives such value judgement, in that the male characteristic is superior to the female characteristic. The commentary explains that loss of the male characteristic takes place due to a strong unwholesome deed, and its replacement by the female characteristic is due to a weak wholesome deed. Conversely, loss of the female characteristic takes place due to a weak unwholesome deed, and its replacement with a male characteristic is due to a strong wholesome deed.[n.12] [14] Sp I 274,18: imesu tāva dvīsu liṅgesu purisaliṅgaṃ uttamaṃ itthiliṅgaṃ hīnaṃ. tasma purisaliṅgaṃ balava-akusalena antaradhāyati, itthiliṅgaṃ dubbalakusalena patiṭṭhāti. itthiliṅgaṃ pana antaradhāyantaṃ dubbala-akusalena antaradhāyati purisaliṅgaṃ balavakusalena patiṭṭhati. A closely similar passage is found in the Atthasālinī, As 322,25, translated in Pe Maung Tin 1976: 412, which Powers 2009: 126 renders as stating that "[the marks of] both sexes change – [those of males] disappear on account of many offenses, while with many good actions [a female] becomes a male." This appears to capture only part of the position taken in the commentarial tradition; in fact both works continue by pointing out that in each of the two cases loss of the previous characteristic is due to an unwholesome deed, gain of the later characteristic due to a wholesome deed, evaṃ ubhayam pi akusalena antaradhāyati, kusalena paṭilabbhati. That is, a change of sex invariably takes place because of an unwholesome deed, which could be either weak (loss of female characteristic) or strong (loss of male characteristic). This is somewhat more nuanced than Powers' presentation.

That no such value judgement is found in the canonical Vinaya of the Theravāda tradition seems to concord with the case of the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya where, according to Finnegan (2009: 136), no such evaluation is found either.[n.13] [15] Finnegan 2009: 136 points out that the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya "does not distinguish in any significant way between female-to-male and male-to-female transformations. Were it the case that the MSV [Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya] imagined that sex change from male to female was associated with 'extraordinarily negative conduct' whereas female-to-male transformation could only result from acts of great beneficence, then it would be unthinkable that an ordained woman could become a man while breaking every manner of monastic rule … but this is precisely what this section of the MSV envisions, again and again and again. John Powers' [2009: 137] comment of 'Indian Buddhist literature' that 'when men change to women it is commonly portrayed as a tragedy for them and as a result of extraordinarily negative conduct' … is most emphatically not the case in this instance of Indian Buddhist literature." Yet, in line with the tendency in the Pāli commentarial tradition, the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya does reflect a gendered evaluation, as it associates the transformation of a monk into a female with an unwholesome deed, notably the unwholesome deed of calling the [male members] of the monastic community females.[n.14] [16] Abhidharmakośabhāṣya 4.55, Pradhan 1967: 232,7: yathā saṅghastrīvādasamudācārādvyañjanaparivṛttiḥ śrūyate.

These instances give the impression that there has been a shift of attitude from the canonical sources to the position taken in this respect in later literature.[n.15] [17] According to Horner 1930/1990: 50, "by the time that the Jātakas and their Commentaries were written down … anti-feminism … left its mark in sentiments not stressed in the earlier literature." In the words of Appleton (2011: 47), "the karmic reasons for female birth are primarily a commentarial preoccupation."

Karma and Its Fruit

A detailed exposition of karma and its result can be found in the Cūḷakammavibhaṅga-sutta of the Majjhima-nikāya. This discourse does not broach the topic of maleness or femaleness at all.[n.16] [18] MN 135 at MN III 202,11 to 206,31. Among the discourses in the Majjhima-nikāya, the Cūḷakammavibhaṅga-sutta stands out for having the highest number of parallel versions (preserved in a range of different languages: Chinese, Khotanese, Sanskrit, Sogdian, Tibetan, and Tocharian).[n.17] [19] For a comparative study of MN 135 cf. Anālayo 2011c: 767–775. This range of parallels offers a clear testimony to the interest aroused by the discourse's exposition on the effect particular deeds have on one's future life. The Cūḷakammavibhaṅga-sutta establishes the following relationships in this respect:

• killing others – one will become short-lived,
• hurting others – one will become sick,
• being angry – one will become ugly,
• being envious – one will become uninfluential,
• being stingy – one will become poor,
• being arrogant – one will be of low birth,
• not asking questions – one will become stupid.

The fact that the Cūḷakammavibhaṅga-sutta and its parallels do not mention rebirth as a woman in their survey of what deeds lead to what effects in a future life gives the impression that sex was considered only incidental to the question of rebirth when this discourse came into existence and reached its present form.[n.18] [20] In Anālayo 2012e I argue that the canonical sources, in particular the Pāli discourses, reflect a historical strata distinctly different from the commentaries, contrary to the position taken by Schopen 1985/1997.

In the above scheme of karma and its results, rebirth as a female in ancient Indian society would probably find its place under becoming "uninfluential". That is, one of the possible results of being envious now is that one will be reborn in a situation where one has to suffer discrimination. From this viewpoint, then, it would indeed be bad karma to be reborn as a woman if this takes place in a society where women are discriminated against.

In other words, the karma of being reborn as a woman need not necessarily be seen as in itself negative. Female birth is only the result of bad karma if one is reborn in a patriarchal society – like ancient India – where women are discriminated against, wherefore one finds oneself in an inferior position by dint of one's birth as a female.[n.19] [21] Appleton 2011: 47 comments that "from the observation that women are socially disadvantaged, the argument is that there must be some karmic cause for female birth." Appleton 2011: 48 continues that "the assumption that female birth is inferior is supported by the obvious social constraints of women … this … is explained by the idea that birth as a woman is a form of karmic punishment for immoral acts." Gross 2014: 10 then concludes that the "traditional teaching that female rebirth is less fortunate than male rebirth is precisely about the pain of being female in a male-dominated system."

In fact the above mentioned literary motif of sex change within the same life shows that one's sex was not seen as something immutably fixed, but rather as something fluid depending on conditions and circumstances. Here, too, it is demeritorious to change from male to female when this happens in a society where females find themselves in a disadvantageous position because of their sex.

Birth of a Daughter

A discourse in the Saṃyutta-nikāya directly takes up what appears to have been a prevalent attitude in ancient India regarding birth as a female, reporting how the Buddha reacted when witnessing an instance of this attitude. In what follows I translate the Pāli discourse.[n.20] [22] SN 3.16 at SN I 86,1 to 86,15, which has already been translated into English by Rhys Davids 1917/1979: 110f and Bodhi 2000: 179. The Ee edition by Feer has just "Daughter" as the title; the title in the Be edition is rather "Discourse on Mallikā".

The Discourse on the Daughter

The introduction on Sāvatthī [should be given here].[n.21] [23] Ce just reads sāvatthiyaṃ. The standard introduction in the form of sāvatthiyaṃ or sāvatthinidānaṃ appears to be simply an abbreviation and not a reference to the location where the discourses were collected, pace Rhys Davids 1924/1975: xif and Woodward 1930/1979: xviif; cf. Anālayo 2012g: 6 note 4, 16 note 45, 29 note 88, and 52 note 150. Then King Pasenadi of Kosala approached the Blessed One. Having approached and paid his respect to the Blessed One, he sat down to one side. Then a certain man approached King Pasenadi of Kosala. Having approached him, he announced close to the ears of King Pasenadi of Kosala: "Your Majesty, Queen Mallikā has given birth to a daughter." When this was said, King Pasenadi of Kosala was displeased.[n.22] [24] Spk I 155,10 explains that the king thought that Mallikā, whom he had elevated from a lowly family to a position of great power, would have been greatly honoured if she had given birth to a son. Thus, from the commentarial perspective, the depiction of his disappointment reflects a prevalent attitude in the ancient Indian setting towards the birth of a female.

Having seen that King Pasenadi of Kosala was displeased, on this occasion the Blessed One uttered these stanzas:

"A woman may be Better than a man,[n.23] [25] Following the reading posā in the Ee editions by Feer and Somaratne, against posa in Be, Ce, and Se; cf. also Bodhi 2000: 407 note 239. ruler of the people, She may be wise and virtuous, A good wife who reveres her mother-in-law. A man, born from her, May be a hero and a king. The son of such a fortunate woman,[n.24] [26] Following the reading subhagiyā in the Ee edition by Somaratne, Be, and Ce, against subhariyā in the Ee edition by Feer and Se; cf. also Bodhi 2000: 407 note 240. May well govern the kingdom."

The above discourse clearly presents a re-evaluation of the notion, apparently shared by the king, that the birth of a female is unfortunate.[n.25] [27] By the time of the Manusmṛti, this notion had found expression in one of the reasons for divorcing a woman: she gives birth to females only; cf. 9.81, Bühler 1886: 342. A telling contrast can be found in some countries in Southeast Asia, described in Andaya 2006: 111f as follows: "the position of Southeast Asian women in the agricultural economy … made a daughter a valued resource. In most communities a marriage ceremony or its equivalent was the culmination of a long period of reciprocal exchanges, but frequently this exchange (which European observers often described as 'buying' a wife) favored the bride and her family." Thus, "European commentators in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries frequently noted the wealth of men who had fathered several daughters … an Englishman stationed in west Sumatra put the case succinctly: 'the more females in a planter's family, the richer he is esteemed.' While such comments occur more frequently in sources from island Southeast Asia, a Chinese observer in Vietnam also remarked on the delight with which parents greeted the birth of a daughter"; to which Andaya 2006: 212 adds that "the Dutch minister Candidus specifically commented on the care and affection Taiwanese showed to daughters, remarking that parents 'love the girls more than the boys'." The phrasing of the stanzas seems to reflect an attempt to adjust this re-evaluation to the frame of mind of the king. Hence they conclude with the – for a king – glorious vision of a heroic future king who governs the kingdom. This does of course not imply that from an early Buddhist viewpoint women are only good for bearing sons, but is simply a reflection of the narrative context.[n.26] [28] Pace Green 2013: 240f; in fact the listings of eminent nuns in AN 1.14.5 at AN I 25,17 to 25,31 and EĀ 5 at T II 558c21 to 559c4 (cf. above p. 301ff) record the Buddha eulogizing renunciant women – who by going forth have renounced their reproductive function – for their spiritual abilities and accomplishments.

Akanuma's standard reference work for identifying Chinese parallels to Pāli discourses does not list any counterpart to the Discourse on the Daughter.[n.27] [29] Akanuma 1929/1990: 180. Nevertheless, elsewhere in the Chinese Āgamas material can be found that also considers female birth in a positive light. In what follows I translate two such passages from the Ekottarika-āgama.

Two Tales from the Ekottarika-āgama

The two Ekottarika-āgama passages translated below are parallels to the tales of Bhaddā Kaccānā,[n.28] [32] Mp I 376,19 to 377,30, translated by Bode 1893: 789f; for Yasodharā cf. Ap 28 at Ap 584,12 to 590,30 and Walters 2014: 182–190. apparently an alternative name for Rāhulamātā and thus for Yasodharā,[n.29] [33] Mp I 377,16 reports that Bhaddā Kaccānā married the bodhisatta and gave birth to Rāhula; cf. also Mhv 2.24, Geiger 1958: 14,18, and the discussion in Malalasekera 1938/1998: 741. Mp I 377,24 explains that she was called Bhaddā Kaccānā only after her ordination. as well as Bhaddā Kāpilānī,[n.30] [34] Ap 27 at Ap 578,12 to 584,11; Thī-a 66,1 to 74,18 (1998 ed.), translated by Pruitt 1998/1999: 90–98 (cf. also Rhys Davids and Norman 1989: 37f and Murcott 1991: 102f); and Mp I 375,12 to 376,18, translated by Bode 1893: 786–788; cf. also Walters 2014: 175–182. found in the Apadāna and the Pāli commentaries.[n.31] Although these two passages from the Ekottarika-āgama present female rebirth in a positive light, such an attitude is not a consistent trait of the collection, which can also be outspokenly misogynist. An example would be the listing of the five evils of women in EĀ 35.8 at T II 700c11.

These two tales in the Ekottarika-āgama are instances of a general tendency in this collection to have material that in the Theravāda tradition is only found in commentarial literature. One example would be the report of the destruction of the Sakyans by the son of Pasenadi, which has a counterpart in the commentary on the Dhammapada and on the Jātaka.[n.32] [35] EĀ 34.2 at T II 692a15, counterpart to Dhp-a I 359,6 or Jā 465 at Jā IV 152,29; cf. also Bareau 1981 and Chengzhong 2013. The Ekottarika-āgama also reports the former Buddha Dīpaṃkara's prediction of Sakyamuni's future attainment of Buddhahood, an event which in the Pāli tradition has its counterpart in the Buddhavaṃsa.[n.33] Cf. above p. 178 note 49 and below p. 429f note 50.

Another example, related to the topic of women in Buddhism, is the spectacular passing away of Mahāpajāpatī Gotamī, translated in the previous chapter, which has its Pāli counterpart in the Apadāna.[n.34] [36] EĀ 52.1 at T II 822a3, parallel to Ap 17.145ff at Ap 540,7, translated in Walters 1995; cf. above p. 367ff. Yet another example is the tale of a past life of Gotama Buddha as a princess, to which I will turn in the next chapter.[n.35] [37] EĀ 43.2, which at T II 758c4 identifies the princess as the Buddha in a former life of; cf. below p. 413ff. This tale has a Pāli counterpart in a text not included among the stories found in the commentary on the canonical Jātaka verses.[n.36] [38] Jaini 1983: 396,1–402,3; cf. also Gombrich 1980: 70, Jaini 1989/2001, Derris 2008, and Skilling 2010: 950. In sum, the Ekottarika-āgama seems to have remained open to the inclusion of later stories to a greater degree than the Pāli Nikāyas and other Chinese Āgamas.

Former Lives of Bhaddā Kaccānā

The tale of Bhaddā Kaccānā is part of a longer discourse. This discourse begins with King Pasenadi visiting the Buddha. After being taught the Dharma, Pasenadi invites the Buddha and the monastic community to rely on his support alone for a threemonth period, which the Buddha accepts. Pasenadi has a great hall erected, where for three months he makes offerings of robes, food, bedding, and medicine. At the completion of this period, Pasenadi proclaims his satisfaction with the merit he has achieved in this way.[n.37] [40] As part of Pasenadi's proclamation, EĀ 23.1 at T II 609b13 gives an ascending list of recipients for gifts that proceeds from giving to an animal to giving to an immoral person, to a moral person, to a person free from sensual desire, to one proceeding to stream-entry, to a stream-enterer, to one proceeding to oncereturn, to a once-returner, to one proceeding to non-return, to a non-returner, to one proceeding to arahant-ship, to an arahant, to one proceeding to becoming a Paccekabuddha, to a Paccekabuddha, to one proceeding to becoming a Tathāgata, and to the Buddha together with the monastic community. Each subsequent gift is of superior merit, beginning with a hundredfold fruit for giving to an animal. Except for the idea of giving to one who is proceeding to becoming a Paccekabuddha or proceeding to becoming a Tathāgata, this listing parallels a similar exposition in the Dakkhiṇāvibhaṅga-sutta and its parallels; cf. MN 142 at MN III 254,27, a Gāndhārī fragment, Strauch 2014: 35, MĀ 180 at T I 722b15, T 84 at T I 903c27, D 4094 ju 255b2 or Q 5595 tu 291a2, a Tocharian fragment, YQ 1.20 1/2 recto 6, Ji et al. 1998: 182, and an Uighur fragment, folio 9a2682, Geng and Klimkeit 1988: 202. For a comparative study of this exposition in MN 142 and its parallels cf. Anālayo 2011c: 815f; on variations in the sequence of listings of the eight types of noble ones cf. Anālayo 2012i: 77f. In reply the Buddha cautions him not to remain satisfied with the merits he has acquired, relating a story from one of his past lives by way of illustration. The narration of this jātaka concludes with the Buddha encouraging Pasenadi not to rest satisfied with the merits he had acquired, but to make use of them for the purpose of progress towards liberation.[n.38] [41] EĀ 23.1 at T II 611a10: "Great King, you should not speak like this: 'I have now already accomplished the merit to be made by me.' Great King, you should speak like this: 'Let all my various activities performed by body, speech, and mind be completely for seeking liberation. I will not seek meritorious deeds [merely] for living in saṃsāra." This injunction appears to be in line with a general attitude reflected in early Buddhist texts to encourage lay followers to proceed beyond merit making to the cultivation of liberating insight; cf. in more detail Anālayo 2010f. Pasenadi thereupon apologizes for his earlier statement, which the Buddha readily accepts.

At this point the nun Bhaddā Kaccānā gets up from her seat, pays respect to the Buddha and repeats the injunction given by the Buddha to the king that he should seek to progress towards liberation, before relating her own past as an additional illustration, translated below.[n.39] [42] The translated text is EĀ 23.1 at T II 611a25 to 611c1.

---

Translation (1)

"I recollect that thirty-one aeons [ago] the Tathāgata Sikhin,[n.40] [43] Adopting the variant 有 instead of 飯. an arahant, fully awakened, had appeared in the world. He was accomplished in knowledge and conduct, a well-gone one, a knower of the world, an unsurpassable person, a charioteer of the path of Dharma,[n.41] [44] EĀ 23.1 at T II 611a27: 無上士, 道法御. Nattier 2003b: 227 explains that "having taken anuttarapuruṣa as a separate title … translators were left to explain the epithet damyasārathi on its own. In … Prakrit languages … damya would have been written damma … this word was apparently read as dhamma, and the resulting *dhammasārathi interpreted as 'charioteer of the Dharma'"; cf. also Minh Chau 1964/1991: 326. a teacher of devas and human beings, called a Buddha, a Blessed One. He was wandering in the Marīci region.[n.42] [45] EĀ 23.1 at T II 611a28: 野馬; which in SĀ 265 at T II 68c18 (translated Anālayo 2013e: 36) corresponds to marīci, "mirage"; cf. also Hirakawa 1997: 1179, who gives as equivalents ghoṭaka-mṛga, marīci, marīcikā, and Mvy no. 4798, Sakaki 1926: 320: ghoṭaka-mṛgaḥ. The Mahāvadāna-sūtra, Waldschmidt 1953: 79, associates Śikhin with Aruṇāvatī, as does DN 14 at DN II 7,5, reading Aruṇavatī, which has its counterparts in 光相 in DĀ 1 at T I 3b12, 阿嚕嚩 帝 in T 2 at T I 150c17, and 阿樓那惒提 in T 3 at T I 159b27; cf. also the survey in Waldschmidt 1953: 174. Here and elsewhere, my reconstruction of Indic names is tentative and does not imply certainty about the underlying original.

"At that time, when the time had come to beg for alms, that Buddha put on his robes, took his bowl, and entered the town of Marīci. At this time there was a messenger in the town, called Suddhakālaka.[n.43] [46] EĀ 23.1 at T II 611b1: 純黑; for which Hirakawa 1997: 927f gives as one possible equivalent śuddha-kālaka. Then that messenger saw that the Tathāgata was carrying his bowl and had entered the town to beg for alms. Having seen him, he thought in turn: 'The Tathāgata has now entered the town; he must need food.'[n.44] [47] My translation is based on emending 飲食 to read 飯食.

"He entered his house and came out with food to give to the Tathāgata, generating this aspiration: 'Endowed with this merit, may I not fall into the three evil destinies. May this make me in a future life meet a venerable noble one like him. May it make me be taught the Dharma by that venerable and may I then attain liberation.'

"Blessed One and King Pasenadi, may you both know this: Was the messenger Suddhakālaka at that time someone else? Do not see it in this way. The reason is that the messenger Suddhakālaka at that time was me.

"At that time I fed the Tathāgata Sikhin and I made this aspiration: 'May this make me in a future life meet a venerable noble one like this who teaches me the Dharma and may I then attain liberation.' For thirty-one aeons I did not fall into the three evil destinies. I was born among devas and human beings, until at last I have now received this particular body. I met the Blessed One and gained the going forth to train in the path.[n.45] [48] Adopting the variant 世尊 instead of 聖尊. I have eradicated all the influxes and accomplished arahant-ship.[n.46] [49] It is worthy of note that in Ap 28.65ff at Ap 589,15 Yasodharā accompanies a listing of her meritorious offerings with the following recurrent injunction (eleven times): mahārāja suṇohi me (although Be reads instead dhammarāja suṇohi me). The recurrent injunction "Great King listen to me" in a listing of accumulated merits (which then leads up to her realization) would fit a setting as described in the present Ekottarika-āgama discourse. Lack of awareness of such a setting could then easily have caused a revision of mahārāja to become dhammarājā, on the assumption that her stanzas are addressed to the Buddha, instead of to a king. In fact in the Pāli version the import of this address is not clear, leading Walters 2014: 187 to wonder if the reference mahārāja is "to the Buddha? the Buddha's father? someone in the text's audience?"

"As the Blessed One said, so superbly and sublimely, in speaking to King Pasenadi: 'Let all the various activities performed by body, speech, and mind be completely for seeking liberation. Do not consume these meritorious deeds on life in saṃsāra.'

"If I see monks, nuns, male lay followers, and female lay followers, with their hearts delighting in the Tathāgata, the thought in turn arises in me: 'Do not all these distinguished beings still need to have a mind of loving regard and reverence towards the Tathāgata?'

"If I see the four assemblies,[n.47] [50] Adopting a correction suggested in the CBETA edition of 說 to read 設. I approach them and say: 'Virtuous ones, what things do you require: Robes and bowls? Sitting cloths? Needle cases? Bathing vessels? Any other sundry requisites of recluses? I will supply them all.' Being permitted to do so, I in turn seek for them by begging anywhere. If I get them, that is a great fortune. If I do not get them, then I will go to Uttarakuru, [Apara]goyāna, and Pubbavideha, seeking an offering.[n.48] [51] Uttarakuru, Aparagoyāna, and Pubbavideha are, together with Jambudīpa, the four great continents that in Buddhist cosmology make up a world system, cakkavāla, over which the reign of a cakkavattin extends; on the motif of the cakkavattin cf. above p. 113ff. The reason is that through all this the four assemblies will gain the path to Nirvāṇa."

At that time the Blessed One, having examined the mind of the nun [Bhaddā] Kaccānā, said in turn to the monks: "Have you seen such liberation of the mind by faith as in the nun [Bhaddā] Kaccānā?" The monks replied: "We have not seen it, Blessed One."

The Blessed One said: "Among my disciples, the nun who is foremost in attaining liberation by faith is reckoned to be the nun [Bhaddā] Kaccānā."[n.49] [52] The same rank is accorded to her in the listing of eminent disciples in EĀ 5.1 at T II 559a5 (cf. above p. 305), whereas the listing in AN 1.14.5 at AN I 25,29 reckons her outstanding for having attained great supernormal knowledges, mahābhiññappatta; cf. also the listing of accomplishments of Yasodharā in Ap 28.22f at Ap 586,5. AN 1.14.7 at AN I 26,24 lists the lay woman Kātiyānī as foremost among female lay disciples for her faith or confidence.

At that time the nun [Bhaddā] Kaccānā, King Pasenadi, and the four assemblies, having heard what the Buddha said, were delighted and received it respectfully.[n.50] [53] For a discussion of the expression 奉行, found regularly as part of the standard conclusion of Āgama discourses, cf. Anālayo 2012f: 521–525.

---

Study (1)

In the above discourse, Bhaddā Kaccānā gets up in front of the Buddha and the local king and gives expression to her own view on a matter that had just been expounded by the Buddha. By relating the story of her former life to illustrate the teaching King Pasenadi had just received, she does exactly the same as what the Buddha had done before her, when he had related the story of one of his past lives for the same teaching purpose.

The way this is depicted in the above Ekottarika-āgama discourse gives the impression that Bhaddā Kaccānā was not at all apprehensive that expressing her opinion and even going so far as to detail her personal past life could in any way be perceived as inappropriate, perhaps even as a form of disrespect towards the Buddha, her former husband and present teacher, by giving a talk in front of him without even having been invited to do so.

In reply to this, the Buddha is shown to react by praising her as a disciple foremost among those liberated by faith or confidence (saddhā). In this way, on a rather official occasion, namely the conclusion of three months of offerings, the Buddha is depicted as being perfectly comfortable when a nun disciple of his simply gets up in front of the Buddha, the local king, and the four assemblies and gives a talk on her own on a topic the Buddha had already expounded. This seems quite different from the kind of behaviour expected from a nun in a modern-day Theravāda setting.[n.51] [54] In the case of Thailand, for example, Van Esterik 1996: 40 reports of two outstanding female lay meditation teachers that they "lived like the women in white, mæchi, although they rejected this role because the generally low status of the mæchi would have limited their ability to lead lay groups." On the situation of nuns, mae chi, in Thailand cf. also, e.g., Keyes 1984, Jordt 1988, Kabilsingh 1991, Skilling 1995, Barnes 1996, Falk 2000, Brown 2001, Ito 2004 and 2006, Seeger 2006/2008, Tomalin 2006, Falk 2007, Seeger 2009a, Collins and McDaniel 2010, Cook 2010, Seeger 2010 and 2013.

The Pāli commentarial tradition reports that in a former birth in the distant past Bhaddā Kaccānā had witnessed how the Buddha Padumuttara proclaimed a nun as his foremost disciple among those endowed with great supernormal knowledges. Thereupon Bhaddā Kaccānā aspired to achieve the same honour in the future,[n.52] [55] Mp I 377,12. an aspiration that implies she wished to be reborn as a female. Although such an active wish is not reported in the above Ekottarika-āgama discourse, an aspiration of this type can be found repeatedly in the Ekottarika-āgama account of the past lives of nun Bhaddā Kāpilānī, translated below.[n.53] [56] The translated text is EĀ 52.2 at T II 823b18 to 825b15.

---

Translation (2)

Thus have I heard. At one time the Buddha was staying at Sāvatthī in Jeta's Grove, Anāthapiṇḍika's Park, together with a great community of monks, five hundred men.

At that time in Sāvatthī there was a nun called Bhaddā, who was dwelling together with five hundred nuns, of whom she was the leader. Then, being in a secluded place, the nun Bhaddā was reflecting by herself. Seated with crossed legs and with mindfulness collected in front, she was recollecting events from her innumerable previous lives, whereupon she smiled.

A nun saw from afar that the nun Bhaddā was smiling. Having seen this, she in turn approached [other] nuns [and said]: "The nun Bhaddā is now alone beneath a tree and she is smiling. What will be the reason?"

Then the five hundred nuns together approached the nun Bhaddā and paid respect with their heads at her feet. Then the five hundred nuns said to Bhaddā: "What causes you to smile, as you sit alone beneath a tree?"

Then the nun Bhaddā said to the five hundred nuns: "Just now beneath this tree I was recollecting events from my innumerable previous lives, seeing again my life experiences of former times, dying here and being reborn there. I was contemplating it all." Then the five hundred nuns further said: "We only wish that you would tell us of those former events."

Then the nun Bhaddā said to the five hundred nuns: "In the distant past, ninety-one aeons ago, a Buddha called Tathāgata Vipassin appeared in the world. He was an arahant, fully awakened, accomplished in knowledge and conduct, a wellgone one, a knower of the world, an unsurpassable person, a charioteer of the path of Dharma, a teacher of devas and human beings, called a Buddha, a Blessed One, who had manifested in the world.

"At that time the region called Bandhuma[tī] was flourishing with a population beyond counting. At that time the Tathāgata was wandering in that country, leading a community of one hundred and sixty-eight thousand monks. Surrounded by them on all sides he was teaching them the Dharma. Then the Buddha's name was renowned in the four directions thus: 'The Buddha Vipassin possesses all of the marks [of a Buddha]; he is a good field of merit for everyone.'

"At that time in that region there was a youth called Brahmadeva, who was of beautiful appearance, rarely found in the world. Then that youth was walking in the streets and alleys holding a bejewelled parasol in his hand. A female householder who was beautiful as well was then also walking along that road. All the people were looking at her.

"Then the youth thought in turn: 'Now I too am beautiful, and I am holding a bejewelled parasol in my hand. [Yet] none of the people look at me. All of these people together are looking at this woman. I should now devise a means to make people look at me.'

"Then that youth went out of that town and approached the Buddha Vipassin. Holding the bejewelled ⟨parasol⟩ [over the Buddha] with his hands,[n.54] [57] My translation is based on emending 寶華 to read 寶蓋, in line with the reading found in the remainder of the discourse. he worshipped him for seven days and seven nights, and made this aspiration: 'If the Buddha Vipassin has such supernormal power, such supernormal strength, and is a supreme field of merit in the world and in the heavens, being endowed with this merit, may it make me in a future life have a female body, such that on seeing it there will be no one who will not be thrilled with joy.'

"At that time, having worshipped that Buddha for seven days and seven nights, the youth lived out his lifespan and was after that in turn reborn in the heaven of the Thirty-three with a female body of utmost beauty, foremost among devīs, surpassing other devīs in the five types of excellence. What are the five? That is, they are divine lifespan, divine complexion, divine happiness, divine might, and divine dominion.

"Then, having seen her, the devas of the Thirty-three said to one another: 'This devī is superb, no one is her equal.' Some devas among them said: 'This devī and I should become husband and wife',[n.55] [58] Adopting the variant 夫婦 instead of 天后. and competing with one another they quarrelled. Then the great king of the devas said: 'Do not quarrel with each other. Whoever among you is able to proclaim the most excellent poem can in turn take this devī for his wife.'[n.56] [59] Adopting the variant 偈 instead of 法.

"At that time, one deva spoke this poem: 'Whether I get up or whether I sit down again, Being awake or falling asleep, there is no joy for me. When I am asleep for a while, Only right after that am I without desire [for you].'

"At that time, another deva spoke this poem: 'You are right now the cause of my delight. Being asleep [he] does not miss you, [But] I am now aroused by lustful thoughts, Like the beating of a battle drum.'

"At that time, another deva spoke this poem: 'Even if the battle drum is being beaten,[n.57] [60] Adopting the variant 有 instead of 復. Yet there comes a time when it becomes still. [But] my desire [for you] is a quickly spreading disease, Like flowing water that never stops.'

"At that time, another deva spoke this poem: 'Even water that carries away great logs, Does in time become still. [But] I constantly think [of you] with desire, Unblinking, like a slain elephant.'

"At that time, the most respected deva among all the devas spoke this poem: 'You [devas] are still at ease, Each of you is able to speak a poem. Now I do not know for myself, Am I alive or am I dead?'

"At that time all devas said to that deva: 'Well done, deva. The poem you have spoken is the most clear and excellent one. Today the king of devas should be given this devī.' Then the devī entered the palace of the king of devas.

"Sisters,[n.58] Adopting the variant 妹 instead of 天. you should not have any doubt about this, the reason being [that you think]: The youth who at that time worshipped the Buddha by [holding] a bejewelled parasol above him, was he someone else? Do not see it in this way. The youth at that time was me.

"In the past, thirty-one aeons ago, the Tathāgata Sikhin appeared in the world. He was wandering in the Marīci region, being accompanied by a great community of monks, one hundred and sixty thousand men. At that time that devī, after her lifespan had in turn come to its end, was reborn among human beings, taking a female body of utmost beauty, rarely found in the world.

"Then the Tathāgata Sikhin, when the time had come to beg for alms, put on his robes, took his bowl and entered the town of Marīci. Then that devī had again become the wife of a householder. She offered excellent food and drink to the Tathāgata Sikhin, and she also made this aspiration:[n.59] [61] Adopting the variant 亦 instead of 普. 'Endowed with the merit of this deed, wherever I am reborn, may I not fall into the three evil destinies, and may I be of such beautiful appearance as is unusual among human beings.'

"At that time that woman, after her lifespan had in turn come to its end, was reborn in the heaven of the Thirty-three. Again she had a female body of the utmost beauty, possessing the five types of excellence and surpassing all the other devas. Was the devī at that time someone else? Do not see it in this way. The reason is that the woman was me.

"In that aeon the Tathāgata Vessabhū appeared in the world. At that time the devī, having lived out her lifespan, had after death come to be reborn among human beings, taking a female body of beautiful appearance, rarely found in the world. Again she had become the wife of a householder. At that time the householder's wife again, having offered excellent robes to the Tathāgata, made this aspiration:[n.60] [62] My translation is based on a sequential emendation of 妙衣好服 to read 妙 好衣服. 'May this make me have a female body in a future life.'

"Then after death that woman was reborn in the heaven of the Thirty-three, with a beautiful appearance surpassing that of the other devīs. Was that devī at that time someone else? Do not see it in this way. The reason is that the woman at that time was me.

"Then that woman lived out her lifespan and after death came to be reborn among human beings in the great town of Vārāṇasī. She was a female servant of the wife of the householder Candābha and her appearance was ugly, displeasing to the sight of people. Since Vessabhū had departed from the world, no further Buddha had appeared.[n.61] [63] Adopting a variant that adds 出. [But] a Paccekabuddha was wandering around at that time.[n.62] [64] Here and below adopting the variant 辟支 instead of 各.

"Then the wife of the householder Candābha said to her female servant: 'Go around outside and look for a recluse who is of such beautiful appearance that he will inspire me.[n.63] [65] EĀ 52.2 at T II 824b17: 入吾意者, conveying the sense that his beautiful appearance should be such that it literally "enters my mind". Lead him to the house. I wish to worship him.'

"At that time that female servant went out of the house and looked outside for a recluse. She came across the Paccekabuddha, who was wandering in the town begging for [alms]. However, he was of ugly and repulsive appearance. Then that female servant gave the message to the Paccekabuddha: 'The lady of the house wants to meet you, wishing you would condescend to come to the house.' She then entered and said to her mistress: 'A recluse has come. You can come and meet him.'

"When the householder's wife had seen the recluse, her mind was displeased. She said to her female servant: 'Send him away again. I will not give to him. The reason is because of his ugly appearance.'

"At that time her female servant said to the housewife: 'If the housewife does not make an offering to the recluse, then I will now take my food allowance for today and use it all to make an offering to him.' Then that housewife brought out her food allowance, one measure of finely broken rice.[n.64] [66] Adopting the variant 斗 instead of 升. Then that female servant took it and in turn offered it to the recluse.[n.65] [67] Ap 27.37 at Ap 581,13, Thi-a 66,9, and Mp I 375,20 also report a former life by Bhaddā at Vārāṇasī during a time when no Buddha had arisen, when she also made an offering to a Paccekabuddha, but the details of the story differ. She was not a servant, but a housewife herself, and she filled the bowl of the Paccekabuddha with mud. She then repented her deed, cleaned his bowl and filled it with "ghee", ghata, according to Ap 27.41 at Ap 582,2, or else with the "four sweets", catumadhura, according to Thi-a 66,16 and Mp I 376,3 (in modern-day Sri Lankan usage catumadhu refers to a mixture of ghee, oil, molasses, and honey; cf. also Kawanami 2013: 97 note 21. An offering of catumadhu is highly appreciated in monastic circles, since this mixture is a form of 'medicine' that monastics can consume even after noon, cf. Vin I 200,19, and keep for up to seven days once it has been offered, cf. Vin III 251,14). When the Paccekabuddha had received this food, he flew up into the air and performed the eighteen transformations.[n.66] [68] The eighteen transformations are a series of supernormal performances; for listings cf., e.g., T 1579 at T XXX 491c6 or T 1912 at T XLVI 442a29.

"Then the householder's female servant made the aspiration again: 'Endowed with this merit, wherever I am reborn, may I not fall into the three evil destinies and may it make me in a future life have a female body of the utmost beauty.'

"Then that Paccekabuddha, holding in his hand the bowl with the food in it, flew around the town three times. The householder Candābha was leading a gathering of five hundred merchants in the community hall. Then the townspeople, men and women, adults and children, saw the Paccekabuddha holding in his hand the bowl with the food and flying through the air. Having seen it, they said to one another: 'Whose merit is this? Who has met this Paccekabuddha and offered him food?'[n.67] [69] Adopting a variant that adds 誰.

"Then the householder's female servant said to the housewife: 'I wish you would come outside to look at the power of the recluse.[n.68] [70] Adopting a variant that adds 願 and the variant 看 instead of 向. He is flying through the air and performing the eighteen transformations. His powers are immeasurable.'

"Then the householder's wife said to her female servant: 'If you give to me all the merit you gained from offering food to the recluse today, I shall give you two days' food right away.'

Her female servant replied: 'I cannot agree to transfer the merit.'[n.69] [71] Adopting a variant that adds 我.

"The housewife said: 'I will give you four days' food right away … up to … ten day's food right away.' Her female servant replied: 'I cannot agree to transfer the merit.'

"The housewife said: 'I will now give you a hundred gold coins.' Her female servant replied: 'I do not need that either.'[n.70] [72] Adopting a variant that adds 亦. The housewife said further: 'I will now give you two hundred … up to … a thousand gold coins.' Her female servant replied: 'I do not need that either.'

"The housewife said: 'I will set you free, making you no longer be a servant.' Her female servant replied:[n.71] [73] Adopting a variant that adds 其. 'I do not seek to be an independent person either.' The housewife said further: 'You will become the housewife and I will become the servant.'[n.72] [74] Adopting the variant 為 instead of 作. Her female servant replied: 'I do not seek to become the housewife either.'

"The housewife said: 'I will now take hold of you and beat you, mutilate you by cutting off your ears and nose, cutting off your hands and feet; I will cut off your head.' Her female servant replied: 'All such pain I can bear with, but I will not transfer the merit from the offering. My body is subject to the lady of the house, the goodness of my mind is a different matter.' At that time, the householder's wife beat her female servant.

"Then each of the five hundred merchants said: 'This saintly person has come today to beg for food. He will certainly have been given an offering at my home.' Then the householder Candābha dismissed all of the people, returned to his house, and went inside. He saw that his wife had taken hold of the female servant and was beating her. He asked: 'Why is this female servant being beaten?' Then the female servant informed him fully of the events.

Then the householder Candābha was delighted and thrilled, unable to contain himself. He had the housewife become a female servant and made the female servant be in the position of housewife.

"At that time the king who ruled the town of Vārāṇasī was called Brahmadatta.[n.73] [75] The story of Bhaddā's past-life experiences in Ap 27.53 at Ap 583,1 also mentions a king by the name of Brahmadatta, who here is a former birth of Mahākassapa. Then the great king heard that the Paccekabuddha had been given food [at the house] of the householder Candābha. He was extremely pleased that an arahant had been received and a timely offering had been made to him.

King Brahmadatta dispatched a man to summon the householder Candābha. He said to him: 'Is it true that food was given to the saintly arahant at your [house]?' The householder replied to the king: 'It is true that the arahant was received and food was offered to him.' Then, having investigated it, King Brahmadatta gave him a reward and also promoted him to a higher position.

"Then the [former] female servant of the householder lived out her lifespan and after death was reborn in the heaven of the Thirty-three. She was of beautiful appearance, rarely found in the world, and she surpassed all the other devas in the five types of excellence. Sisters, [was the female servant at that time someone else?] Do not see it in this way. The householder's female servant at that time was me.

"In this auspicious aeon a Buddha appeared in the world called the Tathāgata Kakusandha. Then that devī lived out her lifespan and after death was reborn among human beings. At that time she became the wife of the brahmin Yajñadatta. Then this woman again, having fed the Tathāgata, made an aspiration, wishing to have a female body [in a future life]. After death she was reborn in the heaven of the Thirty-three. She was of beautiful appearance, supreme among all devīs. After dying there she was reborn among human beings again.

"At that time the Buddha Konāgamana had appeared in the world. Then that devī became a householder woman. She again, having worshipped the Buddha Konāgamana with golden flowers, [made the aspiration]: 'Endowed with this merit, wherever I am reborn, may I not fall into the three evil destinies, and may it make the body I take hereafter be a female body.'

"Then this woman lived out her lifespan and after death was reborn in the heaven of the Thirty-three. She was very beautiful, supreme among the assembly of devīs, and she possessed the five types of excellence such that [the other devas] could not match her. Was the householder woman who at that time worshipped the Buddha Konāgamana someone else? Do not see it in this way. The householder woman at that time was me.

"Then that devī lived out her lifespan and came to be reborn among human beings. Being again the wife of a householder, she was of very special appearance, rarely found in the world.[n.74] [76] Adopting the variant 之 instead of 間. According to Thī-a 66,20, at the time of the Buddha Kassapa, Bhaddā had been reborn as the daughter of a very wealthy merchant at Vārāṇasī. At that time the Tathāgata Kassapa had appeared in the world. Then the householder's wife worshipped the Buddha Kassapa for seven days and seven nights and made the aspiration: 'May this make me obtain a female body in the future.'

"Then the householder's wife lived out her lifespan and after death was reborn in the heaven of the Thirty-three. She possessed the five types of excellence, surpassing other devīs. Was the householder's wife who at that time worshipped the Buddha Kassapa someone else? Do not see it in this way. The householder's wife at that time was me.

"In this auspicious aeon the Buddha Sakyamuni appeared in the world.[n.75] [77] Adopting a variant that adds 佛. Then that devī, after having passed away, was reborn in the town of Rājagaha. She became the wife of the brahmin Kapila.[n.76] [78] In Ap 27.57 at Ap 583,10 Kapila is the name of Bhaddā's father. She was of beautiful appearance, surpassing the appearance of all [other] women. The brahmin Kapila's wife resembled a polished golden image,[n.77] [79] Adopting a variant that adds 羅, and the variant 似 instead of 以. Ap 27.58 at Ap 583,11 reports that an actual image of her was made out of gold. According to Th-a III 130,13, the making of this golden image was originally a stratagem by Kassapa to avoid having to marry, as he would only marry a woman that was equal in beauty to the image, and the woman who turned out to fulfil this condition was Bhaddā; cf. also Clarke 2014: 110f. as a result of which other women were as if blackened by ink. Her mind had no desire for the five sensual pleasures.[n.78] [80] In Ap 27.58 at Ap 583,12 it is Mahākassapa who is qualified as shunning sensual pleasures.

"Was this wife someone else? Sisters do not see it in this way. The brahmin's wife at that time is me. Sisters, you should know, because of the merits of former events I became the wife of Pippali Māṇava, that is, of Mahākassapa. The venerable Mahākassapa first went forth himself, at a later day I went forth on my part.[n.79] [81] According to Th-a III 132,33, they went forth at the same time, cutting off each other's hair. Having gone forth, they then separated in order to avoid that others on seeing them still together might form a wrong impression of their motivation.

"I was recollecting my lives in former days with a female body; for this reason just now I smiled to myself. Because I did not know it, it had been hidden to me that I had worshipped six Tathāgatas, seeking to get a female body. This is the reason why I smiled, because of my experiences in former days."

At that time a group of many monks, who had heard that the nun Bhaddā had recollected events from her own innumerable previous lives, [n.80] [82] Adopting a variant without 時. approached the Blessed One. They paid respect with their heads at his feet, sat down to one side, and told the Tathāgata all that had happened. Then the Blessed One said to the monks: "Have you seen any [other] nun among my disciples who recollects events from innumerable lives like her?" The monks said to the Buddha: "We have not, Blessed One."

The Buddha said to the monks: "Among my disciples, the foremost disciple in recollecting events from innumerable lives is the nun Kapilā[nī]."[n.81] [83] The same rank is accorded to her in the listing of eminent disciples in AN 1.14.5 at AN I 25,27 and EĀ 5.2 at T II 559a10; cf. above p. 309. Thī 65 explicitly mentions her attainment of the three higher knowledges and thus implicitly of her ability to recollect her past lives. According to Thī-a 66,7 and Mp I 376,18, she had formed the aspiration to become foremost among nuns recollecting their past lives in the distant past when witnessing a nun being accorded this position by the Buddha Padumuttara.

At that time the monks, having heard what the Buddha said, were delighted and received it respectfully.

---

Study (2)

Although the Apadāna does not mention any aspiration by Bhaddā Kāpilānī to be born as a woman at all, the commentary on the Therīgāthā reports that at the time of Padumuttara Buddha she had witnessed a nun being declared foremost in remembering her former lives, whereupon she aspired to the same rank in the future. Similar to the case of Bhaddā Kaccānā, this aspiration implies that Bhaddā Kāpilānī wished to be reborn as a female.

According to the above Ekottarika-āgama account, Bhaddā Kāpilānī repeatedly made an aspiration to be reborn as a female, until eventually she became an arahant nun. The recurrent emphasis on her attractiveness and on her getting married reflects the ancient Indian narrative setting, where for a woman not to be attractive and not to be wanted in marriage was seen as a serious misfortune.

Notably, in the first instance of these repeated aspirations, a "he" makes the aspiration to become a female, based on a meritorious gift.[n.82] [84] Such combining of a meritorious deed with an aspiration is a recurrent pattern in avadāna literature in general; cf. also Clark 2011: 31f. Although the motivation for this aspiration is not particularly profound – after all he mainly wants to get the attention of others – the important point is that this text gives no impression whatsoever that female rebirth was considered in a negative light. The description of Bhaddā Kāpilānī's heavenly rebirths endowed with five qualities is in fact similar to the description of the condition of the future Buddha when being reborn in Tusita.[n.83] [85] MĀ 32 at T I 470a2. Although the same is not reported explicitly in the parallel MN 123, a comparable presentation can be found in DN 30 at DN III 146,3. Clearly, she is shown to be in a comparable manner endowed with merits and to keep on freely choosing to become a woman again and again.

---

Conclusion

The above translated tales make it clear that, in the Buddhist traditions responsible for the arising and transmission of these stories, female birth was not seen as something invariably negative.[n.84] [86] Appleton 2010: 96 notes that in narrative Buddhist literature "many women made offerings to past buddhas and resolved to become prominent nuns or laywomen (not monks or laymen) in the retinue of Gotama Buddha. It is clearly demonstrated that both men and women are able to attain arahatship, and so there is no need to aspire to a change in gender." Although there is evidence for a more negative attitude towards women emerging in commentarial literature, the two specimens translated above from the Ekottarika-āgama express a rather different attitude. The perspective afforded in these texts appears to be rather that female birth is a valuable asset inasmuch as it affords an opportunity for Bhaddā Kaccānā and Bhaddā Kāpilānī to walk the path to liberation.